We review the psychological literature on the organization of valence, discussing theoretical perspectives that favor a single dimension of valence, multiple valence dimensions, and positivity and negativity as dynamic and flexible properties of mental experience that are contingent upon context. Turning to the neuroscience literature that spans three levels of analysis, we discuss how positivity and negativity can be represented in the brain. We show that the evidence points toward both separable and overlapping brain systems that support affective processes depending (...) on the level of resolution studied. We move from large-scale brain networks that underlie generalized processing, to functionally specific subcircuits, finally to intraregional neuronal distributions, where the organization and interaction across levels allow for multiple types of valence and mixed evaluations. (shrink)

Stillbirths are largely excluded from international measures of mortality and morbidity. Zeshan Qureshi and colleagues argue that stillbirth should be higher on the global health agenda.

Following the landmark corporate scandals of the early 21st century, there appeared to be a tremendous increase in the U.S. business media's emphasis on issues of ethics in corporate leadership. The purpose of this research was to examine whether that apparent increase was reflected in an actual change in that media's portrayals of successful leaders. We content analyzed the text of a total of 180 articles in Business Week, Fortune, and Forbes magazine, 90 from the five years preceding the landmark (...) scandals and 90 from the five years following the scandals. We found no evidence that the landmark scandals had any impact on the media's incorporation of ethics in their portrayals of leaders. We attribute this substantially to the persistence of a world-view in the U.S. business press that emphasizes leader traits and actions that have a direct impact on corporate profits. Additionally, we found some interesting consistencies and differences in media portrayals across the two time periods, likely related to the rise and fall of dot-com businesses. We discuss the implications of these findings for researchers and corporate leaders. (shrink)

After decades of absence, the federal legalization of hemp in the U.S. positions the crop as an innovative, plant-based input for conventional products. Through an application of the diffusion of innovations theory, this study responds to identified research needs made by hemp stakeholders and the existing literature by modeling the influence of innovation characteristics on propensity to use hemp products among Vermont consumers. Findings reveal that attributes associated with relative advantage and trialability significantly influence propensity to use at least one (...) type of hemp product, as well as use multiple types of hemp products. This highlights particularly salient points for hemp stakeholders engaged in the marketing and communication of hemp products. Findings contribute to informed strategy creation for producers, institutions, and other stakeholders operating in this nascent industry, where data and research continue to be limited. (shrink)

The bilingual publication "On Reconciliation / Über Versöhnung" uses the letters exchanged between Martin Heidegger and Hannah Arendt from 1925 to 1975 as a departure for a series of essays and conversations aiming to encourage a public debate on a difficult subject: the question of ethics and artistic production. The conceptual background is Arendt's notion of "reconciliation" as an act of political judgment that, unlike revenge or forgiveness, can respond to wrongs in a way that fosters the political project (...) of building and preserving a common world. In García's view, Arendt not only formulated the concept of reconciliation to make bearable the world after the Second World War, but also to rationalize her unconditional loyalty to Heidegger (founded in youthful love) and her lifelong devotion to his oeuvre. Heidegger was infamously a member of the Nazi party and (arguably) the most important philosopher of the twentieth century, while Arendt was a German Jew who fled Europe to escape the Holocaust, later becoming an acclaimed social, historical, and political theorist. Articulated through various formats such as an exhibition, performances, public dialogues, and a publication developed in collaboration with K. Verlag, "On Reconciliation / Über Versöhnung" approaches the following question: Should moral positions be demanded from authors (in addition to professional excellence), and should their failure to satisfy our (contemporary) ethical standards be a reason to dismiss their work completely? (shrink)

Background: There is a lack of empirical data on lay attitudes toward different sorts of deception in medicine. However, lay attitudes toward deception should be taken into account when we consider whether deception is ever permissible in a medical context. The objective of this study was to examine lay attitudes of U.S. citizens toward different sorts of deception across different medical contexts. Methods: A one-time online survey was administered to U.S. users of the Amazon “Mechanical Turk” website. Participants were asked (...) to answer questions regarding a series of vignettes depicting different sorts of deception in medical care, as well as a question regarding their general attitudes toward truth-telling. Results: Of the 200 respondents, the majority found the use of placebos in different contexts to be acceptable following partial disclosure but found it to be unacceptable if it involved outright lying. Also, 55.5% of respondents supported the use of sham surgery in clinical research, although 55% claimed that it would be unacceptable to deceive patients in this research, even if this would improve the quality of the data from the study. Respondents supported fully informing patients about distressing medical information in different contexts, especially when the patient is suffering from a chronic condition. In addition, 42.5% of respondents believed that it is worse to deceive someone by providing the person with false information than it is to do so by giving the person true information that is likely to lead them to form a false belief, without telling them other important information that shows it to be false. However, 41.5% believed that the two methods of deception were morally equivalent. Conclusions: Respondents believed that some forms of deception were acceptable in some circumstances. While the majority of our respondents opposed outright lying in medical contexts, they were prepared to support partial disclosure and the use of placebos when it is in the patient's interests or when it is what the person would want. These results support the position that physicians should be allowed a greater degree of authority to make a professional judgment about whether deception might be morally warranted by the circumstances, provided that it doesn't involve outright lying. (shrink)

Drawing upon Hannah Arendt's and Carl Schmitt's theories on the relationship between nomos and boundary, this paper revisits how constitutionalism and political power are reconciled as constitutional ordering. It first analyzes constitutionalism in the light of political modernity. Indicating that political power grounded by constitutions is omnipotent, complementing and completing constitutionalism, the paper contends that an omnipotent constitutional ordering is anything but an unleashed Leviathan. It is argued that constitutional omnipotence is framed and thus constrained by a constitutional nomos, (...) the matrix of which is a dual delimitation of boundaries, generational, and jurisdictional. (shrink)

Jewish Agrarian Movements (JAM hereafter) in North America express the many different shapes and iterations of Jewish farming on the continent, grounded in historical perspectives that influence current practices and activities. From within this diversity, common threads emerge with much to contribute to agrarian social movements and scholarship. Jewish values of returning (_t_’_shuvah_), releasing (_shmitah_), and repairing (_tikkun_), along with theories of _doikayt_ (an anti-zionist movement around “hereness”) and radical diasporism, animate JAM’s critical engagement with agri-food systems. As researchers who (...) have both studied and participated in Jewish agrarianism in a variety of U.S. and Canadian contexts, we solidify a series of themes and tensions that emerge from JAM: diaspora and indigeneity, modernity and tradition, Jewish agroecological knowledge production, and lived religion. We argue that, while JAM has not yet been examined thoroughly within critical food scholarship, it has the potential to contribute to broader debates and frameworks within sub-fields such as radical food geographies, critical agrarianism, and decoloniality. Without consideration of JAM as a part the study of food and agriculture, there are risks of marginalization of farmers, activists and researchers of Jewish identity. (shrink)

Jesus the Jew is the primary signifier of Christianity's indebtedness to Judaism. This connection is both historical and continuous. In this book, Barbara Meyer shows how Christian memory, as largely intertwined with Jewish memory, provides a framework to examine the theological dimensions of historical Jesus research. She explores the topics that are central to the Jewishness of Jesus, such as the Christian relationship to law, and otherness as a Christological category. Through the lenses of the otherness of the Jewish Jesus (...) for contemporary Christians, she also discusses circumcision, natality, vulnerability, and suffering in dialogue with thinkers seldom drawn into Jewish-Christian discourse, notably Hannah Arendt, Julia Kristeva, Martha Nussbaum and Adi Ophir. Meyer demonstrates how the memory of Jesus' Jewishness is a key to reconfiguring contemporary challenges to Christian thought, such as particularity and otherness, law and ethics after the Shoah, human responsibility, and divine vulnerability. (shrink)

Maria Robaszkiewicz fragt in ihrem Buch worin politische Kompetenz besteht, welche Fähigkeiten der Beteiligung am politischen Geschehen zugrunde liegen und wie eine politische Sphäre geschaffen werden kann, die trotz der Pluralität von Meinungen, einen Raum für politische Gemeinschaft bietet. Sie greift dabei auf Hannah Arendts Konzept des politischen Denkens zurück, das mögliche Antworten auf diese Fragen gibt. Allerdings ist die Fähigkeit des politischen Denkens den Menschen nicht gegeben, sondern muss erst durch Übungen entwickelt werden. Arendts Texte können als Beispiele (...) derartiger Übungen fungieren: Als solche bieten sie eine Einleitung der Politik als weltbildender Praxis. (shrink)

El propósito de este artículo es analizar el concepto de mentira moderna u organizada en la obra de Hannah Arendt. Con agudeza, Arendt pone de relieve una experiencia particular del Mundo Moderno, aquella en la que una comunidad puede falsear deliberadamente realidades conocidas por todos y tener la mentira como principio político. Esta comprensión pone al concepto en un registro diferente del tradicional de los arcana dominationis. Nuestro argumento intenta clarificar analíticamente el concepto, señalar su pertinencia y vincularlo a (...) una idea de auto-institución de las sociedades entendidas como colectividades históricamente activas. (shrink)

Nicht nur die Politik, auch die Demokratietheorie thematisiert die Partizipation der Bürger seit Jahren vorwiegend unter dem Gesichtspunkt der Rationalität. Demgegenüber diskutiert der vorliegende Band, ausgehend vom Denken Hannah Arendts, wie sich demokratische Politik noch als Praxis, d.h. als ein um seiner selbst willen geschätztes Handeln unter Freien und Gleichen denken lässt.

Ästhetik und Humanität sind in Arendts Werk eng miteinander verknüpft: Die Ausbildung einer ästhetischen (Denk-)Haltung impliziert eine Cultura Animi, die das Denken für den öffentlichen Raum vorbereitet. Wesentlich an der Kultivierung des Geistes ist die Ausbildung des Geschmacks. Überraschender Weise liest Arendt die Kritik der Urteilskraft als Referenztheorie und findet dort Kants 'wahre' politische Theorie vor: Der Geschmack als Inbegriff der Humanitas avanciert bei ihr zur conditio sine qua non des Politischen. Er ermöglicht es, Menschen qua ästhetischer Haltung als 'Zweck-in-sich-selbst' (...) zu betrachten. Jennifer Pavliks Studie legt in eindringlicher Weise dar, wie Hannah Arendts Werk das Ästhetische als Inbegriff des Politischen versteht. (shrink)

Responding to the increasingly influential role of Hannah Arendt's political philosophy in recent years, Hannah Arendt and the Limits of Total Domination: The Holocaust, Plurality, and Resistance, critically engages with Arendt's understanding of totalitarianism. According to Arendt, the main goal of totalitarianism was total domination; namely, the virtual eradication of human legality, morality, individuality, and plurality. This attempt, in her view, was most fully realized in the concentration camps, which served as the major "laboratories" for the regime. While (...) Arendt focused on the perpetrators' logic and drive, Michal Aharony examines the perspectives and experiences of the victims and their ability to resist such an experiment. The first book-length study to juxtapose Arendt's concept of total domination with actual testimonies of Holocaust survivors, this book calls for methodological pluralism and the integration of the voices and narratives of the actors in the construction of political concepts and theoretical systems. To achieve this, Aharony engages with both well-known and non-canonical intellectuals and writers who survived Auschwitz and Buchenwald concentration camps. Additionally, she analyzes the oral testimonies of survivors who are largely unknown, drawing from interviews conducted in Israel and in the U.S., as well as from videotaped interviews from archives around the world. Revealing various manifestations of unarmed resistance in the camps, this study demonstrates the persistence of morality and free agency even under the most extreme and de-humanizing conditions, while cautiously suggesting that absolute domination is never as absolute as it claims or wishes to be. Scholars of political philosophy, political science, history, and Holocaust studies will find this an original and compelling book. (shrink)

Modern politika tanımlarında hâkim kavramlardan söz etmek olasıdır. Bu kavramlar arasında; iktidar, şiddet, hiyerarşi, güvenlik, kaynak dağıtımı öne çıkanlardır. Politika, birçoklarına göre, iktidarın ve gücün nasıl dağıtıldığı ve kullanıldığıyla ilgilidir. Politika, salt iktidarla ilişkili bir biçimde tanımlandığında, şiddet, politikanın etkili araçlarından birisi gibi görünür. Hatta daha ileriye gidilerek, şiddet, iktidarın dışavurumu olarak görülür. C. W. Mills’in, “siyaset iktidar mücadelesinden ibarettir; iktidarın nihai biçimi ise şiddettir” ya da Mao Zedong’un “siyaset, kan dökülmeyen savaş; savaş ise kan dökülen siyasettir” sözleri, siyaset ile (...) şiddetin birlikte düşünülmesinin en tipik örnekleridir. Hükmetme sanatı, iktidar elde etmek ve iktidarı azamileştirme biçiminde tanımlanan siyasetin, şiddeti meşru görmesi kaçınılmaz görünmektedir. Bu tanımdan hareket edenler, en iyi ihtimalle, meşru ve gayrı-meşru şiddet arasında bir ayrıma yönelirler. Bu ayrım da şiddetin politik bir etkinlik olarak meşrulaştırılmasını onaylar. Siyaseti, iktidar ve şiddet üzerinden tanımlayan hâkim yaklaşıma dönük eleştiriler de vardır. Siyaseti başka türlü tanımlamanın imkânı olup olmadığı sorusundan hareket eden bu yaklaşımlar, alternatif bir politika anlayışı ortaya koymaya çalışırlar. Bu tip politika anlayışına sahip düşünürlerin başında Hannah Arendt gelmektedir. Sahte ve sahici politika ayrımından hareket eden Arendt, sahici politikanın merkezine eylemi yerleştirir. Eylem, insanların kendilerini gerçekleştirmesini, sahici kılmasını, diğer insanlarla birlikte yaşamasını sağlayan süreçleri başlatma ve kesintiye uğratma yetisidir. Bu bakımdan politika, birlikte yaşama, kamusal meseleler hakkında tartışma ve ortak dünya için eylemde bulunma etkinliğidir. Kamusal alanda, eşitlerinin gözü önünde eylemde bulunma kişinin benzersizliğini göstermesine neden olur. Bu bakımdan, eşitlik ve çoğulluk politikanın koşuludur. Arendt, sadece eylemi değil, “söz”ü de politikanın merkezine yerleştirir. Arendt için politik yaşam, eyleme dökülmüş söz üzerine kuruludur. Politikanın söz ile ilişkilendirilmesi, açıktır ki, şiddeti dışlar. Arendt’e göre şiddet dilsizdir ve hiçbir zaman politikanın merkezi olan eyleme dökülmüş sözün neden olduğu süreç başlatma ve yaratıcı olma özelliğine sahip değildir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, politikayı Arendt’le birlikte yeniden düşünmenin, yeni bir politika tanımı için sağlayacağı imkânları tartışmaktır. (shrink)

Der heftige Streit um Hannah Arendts 'Eichmann in Jerusalem' stiess 1963 Karl Jaspers' Versuch über Sinn und grenzen unabhängigen Denkens an. Die Fragment gebliebenen Texte bezeugen ein zentrales, jedoch bislang wenig bekanntes Anliegen seines gesamten Philosophierens im Spannungsfeld zwischen Metaphysik, Existenzphilosophie und politischer Philosophie. Gerade in seiner Unabgeschlossenheit spiegelt sich der offene und prekäre Übungscharakter eines Ringens um Freiheit an den Grenzen einer stets bedrohten Solidarität, das sich nicht zuletzt in philosophischer Polemik aussert."--Dust jacket.

Na sveprisutnu opasnost buđenja novih totalitarizama koji uništavaju društvenost i pluralizam, kao moguću posljedicu otuđenja Moderne, upozorila je autorica čije shvaćanje društvenosti čovjeka stoji u aporiji zbog opozicionalnosti između preferiranja elitističke političke slobode antike i augustinovske egalitarne slobode, urođene svim ljudskim bićima. Taj dvovrsni argumentacijski teorijski pravac uvjetovao je njezinu interpretaciju antičkog polisa kao ideala političke zajednice, te razdvajanje socijalne od političke problematike. Prema njoj, Akvinski čini grešku i izjednačava termine politicus i socialis, a to preuzima i Moderna. Ovo je (...) vidljivo npr. u tome što socijalna, ekonomska i tehnička pitanja sve više ulaze u politički prostor . Štošta je tome pomoglo, kako npr. tzv. protestantska etika tako i Francuska revolucija. Mnoštvo "poniženih i uvrijeđenih" željelo je u nastupu novog svijeta svoje osnovne biološke potrebe rješavati kroz ulazak u javnu sferu. Politički elitizam Hannah Arendt taj nastup mnogobrojnih zahtjeva za socijalnom jednakošću i socijalnom emancipacijom smatra dekadencijom autentičnog javnog područja, izvorno slobodnog od nužnosti života. Kako se ovakva pozicija referira na konkretnu problematiku segregacije u javnom obrazovanju, pokazuje analiza njezina teksta "Reflections on Little Rock".Hannah Arendt, whose comprehension of human beings’ sociability stands in aporia because ofoppositionality between preference for elitist political freedom of antiquity and Augustinian egalitarianfreedom, inborn to all human beings, warned of omnipresent peril of awakening of new totalitarianismswhich destroy sociability and pluralism, as a possible consequence of Modernism’salienation. That dual theoretical line of arguing determined her interpretation of antique polis asan ideal of political community, and one of separating social from political problems. According toher, Aquinas made a mistake in equating terms politicus and socialis, and Modernism accepts thatequation. This can be seen in progressive intrusion of social, economic and technical issues into political space . Many factors contributed to that situation, i.e. the Protestant Ethic and FrenchRevolution. In awakening of the new world, many of the oppressed and insulted wanted to satisfytheir basic biological needs by entering the public spheres. Hannah Arendt’s political elitism considersthe emergence of multiple demands for social equality and social emancipation as a decadenceof authentic public space, that is originally free from life’s necessities. My analysis of Arendt’stext »Reflections on Little Rock« shows the consequences of such position in specific problem ofsegregation in public education. (shrink)

The U.S.-led military incursion in Iraq and the subsequent occupation has been filled with myriad examples of the Bush Administration using misleading statements in an effort to win the support of American citizens, and in a secondary sense, the international community and the Iraqis. This situation provides many opportunities to analyze the use of sophistry and linguistic sleight of hand. In this paper, I draw upon the insights offered by Hannah Arendt in the earlier context of her critiques of (...) totalitarianism during the 1930s and 1940s, and her later critique of the United States upon the publication of the Pentagon Papers in the midst of the U.S. war in Vietnam. Her insights regarding truth and lying in politics shed light on what is wrong with U.S. approaches today. Similar methods continue to be used today since people have continued to be gullible to these methods. (shrink)

U opsežnoj literaturi o globalizaciji postalo je uobičajeno tvrditi da su se koncepti ‘prostor’, ‘vrijeme’ i ‘sebstvo’ drastično promijenili posljednjih desetljeća tijekom procesa globalizacije. Moj tekst nudi analizu nekoliko tema za raspravu, koristeći navedene riječi metaforički. Analiza se prvo usmjerava na slavne termine Manuela Castellsa ‘prostor protoka’ i ‘bezvremeno vrijeme’ te na više klasičan termin Hannah Arendt ‘gubitak sebe’. Kroz analizu njihova korištenja u radovima spomenutih autora i njihovih sljedbenika, nastojat ću prikazati: navedeni termini su previše nejasni da bi (...) se koristili kao ogledni koncepti te su prihvatljivi samo u pukom metaforičkom smislu; ti su termini utemeljeni u dobro poznatom diskursu literature klasičnog moderniteta i time nisu specifični termini globalizacije. Posljednji autor kojeg analiziram u tekstu je škotski profesor iz 19. stoljeća Andrew Ure. On je, vokabularom koji koristi za opisivanje svoga svijeta, a koji je sličan ranije spomenutim terminima M. Castellsa i H. Arendt, dio diskursa klasičnog moderniteta sa radikalno drugačijom evaluacijom. (shrink)

Hannah Arendts leidenschaftliches Denken offenbart sich in ihrem Werk u.a. durch die häufige Nennung emotionaler Phänomene wie Wut, Liebe, Mut oder Mitleid. Bislang wurde diese affektive Argumentationsebene jedoch nicht systematisch untersucht. Héla Hecker argumentiert dafür, dass Arendt Gefühle und Affekte nicht als per se apolitisch, sondern als welteröffnende bzw. -verschließende Artikulationen einer grundsätzlich menschlichen Berührbarkeit bewertet. Das Politische ist der Bereich, in dem diese Berührbarkeit als conditio humana frei und geschützt gelebt werden kann. Gleichzeitig bürgt die Fähigkeit, sich vom (...) Anderen und von der Welt berühren zu lassen, für die Möglichkeit von Freiheit und Neubeginn. (shrink)

En la filosofía arendtiana, el significado o el sentido de los fenómenos tiene un carácter de revelación. La pregunta que motiva esta investigación es cómo llegan los espectadores a este significado revelado. Para responderlo, divido el texto en tres momentos. En primer lugar, argumento que desde la perspectiva del pensamiento, la revelación es de carácter fenomenológico, por lo que la tarea del espectador sería la contemplación tras la puesta en cuestión de prejuicios. En segundo lugar, argumento que desde la perspectiva (...) del juicio la revelación consistiría en un dokei moi (‘a mí me parece’), e implicaría un ejercicio hermenéutico por parte de los espectadores. En tercer y último lugar, concluyo que la revelación del signi cado conecta el método fenomenológico y el hermenéutico, al ser tanto percibida como interpretada por una comunidad de espectadores. (shrink)

Paraphrased within the title of this text is a note Hannah Arendt made in August 1952. After reading Carl Schmitt?s Nomos der Erde, Arendt tries to confront Schmitt?s idea of a just war. In the text I attempt to reconstruct Arendt?s readings of differing political philosophy texts within the context of her thinking concerning the relationship between violence and power, force and law. Arendt?s refusal to accept the existence of violence which can "conquer" freedom and "create" right and democracy, (...) brings contradiction to the great tradition of the followers of Marx, to whom Arendt undoubtedly belongs: how is and is revolutionary violence even possible and does violence as resistance to injustice bring justice?. Naslov ovoga teksta je parafraza jedne beleske Hannah Arendt koja je napisana avgusta 1952. godine. Posle citanja Schmittove knjige Nomos der Erde, Arendt pokusava da se suprotstavi njegovom razumevanju pravednog rata. U tekstu rekonstruisem njena razlicita citanja mnostva tekstova politicke filozofije, u kontekstu Arendtovog razlikovanja izmedju nasilja i vlasti, snage i zakona. Arendtovo odbijanje da prihvati postojanje nasilja koje moze "osvojiti" slobodu i "stvoriti" pravo i demokratiju, suprotstavlja je velikoj tradiciji sledbenika Marxa, kojoj ona nesumnjivo pripada: da li je i na koji nacin moguce revolucionarno nasilje i da li nasilje kao otpor nepravdi donosi pravdu?. (shrink)

This essay seeks to understand the complex response to the current Black Lives Matter protests against police violence, which pose deeper questions about the forms of politics that black citizens—who are experiencing a defining moment of racial terror in the United States in the twenty-first century—can and should pursue. When other citizens and state institutions betray a lack of care and concern for black suffering, which in turn makes it impossible for those wrongs to be redressed, is it fair to (...) ask blacks to enact “appropriate” democratic politics? These questions are explored via a reading of Danielle Allen and Ralph Ellison’s meditations on the problem of democratic loss and Hannah Arendt’s critique of school desegregation battles in the 1960s. I suggest that there is a conceptual trap in romantic historical narratives of black activism that recast peaceful acquiescence to loss as a form of democratic exemplarity. (shrink)

Se sostiene que los juicios reflexivos suponen un sujeto actuante que se determina por sus funciones discursivas. Para demostrar que hay un sujeto discursivo o narrativo en Arendt es preciso referir a las siguientes cuestiones. En primer lugar, hay una relación directa entre el sujeto político y su espacio de aparición o grado de publicidad. En este sentido, el sujeto no es cualquier sujeto. Es más bien el que tiene la posibilidad u oportunidad de aparecer frente a otros. Esta experiencia (...) conduce a pensar la acción humana en determinada dirección. El juicio reflexivo opera sobre un caso particular que hace posible la aparición del sujeto discursivo orientando la acción. En segundo lugar, el propósito de este análisis consiste en averiguar si es posible o legítimo pensar al discurso como recurso estrictamente narrativo y, en este sentido, indagar sobre la posición de Arendt al respecto: ¿se pueden pensar los juicios reflexivos a partir de lo narrado? Esta pregunta conduce a la conclusión del presente trabajo puesto que la posibilidad de pensar lo narrado a partir de los juicios reflexivos supone un sujeto específico con determinadas características previas que habilitan las categorías de lo visible, invisible, apariencia y realidad. (shrink)

Se sostiene que los juicios reflexivos suponen un sujeto actuante que se determina por sus funciones discursivas. Para demostrar que hay un sujeto discursivo o narrativo en Arendt es preciso referir a las siguientes cuestiones. En primer lugar, hay una relación directa entre el sujeto político y su espacio de aparición o grado de publicidad. En este sentido, el sujeto no es cualquier sujeto. Es más bien el que tiene la posibilidad u oportunidad de aparecer frente a otros. Esta experiencia (...) conduce a pensar la acción humana en determinada dirección. El juicio reflexivo opera sobre un caso particular que hace posible la aparición del sujeto discursivo orientando la acción. En segundo lugar, el propósito de este análisis consiste en averiguar si es posible o legítimo pensar al discurso como recurso estrictamente narrativo y, en este sentido, indagar sobre la posición de Arendt al respecto: ¿se pueden pensar los juicios reflexivos a partir de lo narrado? Esta pregunta conduce a la conclusión del presente trabajo puesto que la posibilidad de pensar lo narrado a partir de los juicios reflexivos supone un sujeto específico con determinadas características previas que habilitan las categorías de lo visible, invisible, apariencia y realidad. The paper argues that reflective judgments presuppose an agent determined by discursive functions. In order to demonstrate that there is a discursive or narrative subject in Arendt, the following issues are dealt with. First of all, that there is a direct relation between the political subject and its space of emergence or degree of publicity. In this sense, the subject is not just any subject, but rather one who has the possibility of appearing before others. This experience makes it possible to think of human action in a certain way. Reflective judgments operate on particular cases that enable the emergence of a discursive subject that orients action. Secondly, the purpose of this analysis is to find out whether it is possible or legitimate to think discourse as a strictly narrative resource, and to inquire into Arendt's position in this respect: is it possible to think about reflective judgments on the basis of that which is narrated? This question leads to our conclusion, since the possibility of thinking about that which is narrated on the basis of reflective judgments presupposes a specific subject with certain prior characteristics that enable the categories of the visible, of the invisible, and of appearance and reality. (shrink)

Hannah Arendt argues that a revolution must not only tear down, but build up a new government. That new government needs authority and it gets its authority from its founding moment, when peers come together in mutual promise, agreeing to treat each other as equals and obeying laws which they legislate for themselves. The paper then looks at the recent attempts of the U.S. government and its allies to bring democracy to Iraq. The paper argues that given the dynamics (...) necessary at the founding moment, U.S. heavy-handedness in setting up Iraq's new government was counterproductive. Also, while the U.S., through subcontracting with Research Triangle Institute, hoped to give Iraq a pyramid-shaped local governance structure, its diversions from Arendt's model make its success unlikely. (shrink)

Fourteen contributions from international academics examine the themes of judgment, imagination, and politics in the philosophy of Hannah Arendt and Immanuel Kant. In the introduction, Beiner and Nedelsky (both political science, U. of Toronto) discuss the problem of political judgment and the recognition of subjectivity. Other topics include the challenges of diversity to the law, the public use of reason, and Arendt's lectures on Kant. c. Book News Inc.

A questão feminina não é um tema visado por Arendt. O paradoxo encontrado por algumas teóricas em relação ao fato desta reconhecer-se enquanto judia, mas não enquanto mulher, faz afastar a essência do pensamento político arendtiano do movimento filosófico do feminismo, acusando Arendt de ceder à hegemonia masculina. Este prisma perde muito ao não reconhecer como sua crítica da modernidade oferece uma base sólida para pensar a mulher contemporaneamente. Sobretudo, tolhe a saída mais digna: a que reconhece o humano. O (...) escrito, a partir da revisão bibliográfica de obras como Entre o Passado e o Futuro (ARENDT, 2016) e Feminism theory and Hannah Arendt’s concept of public space (BENHABIB, 1993a), propõe demonstrar como o sujeito arendtiano, na condição de original, capaz de ação e na imprevisibilidade, existe e age no ínterim do passado-futuro é o sustentáculo teórico dos principais quadros dessa última fase do feminismo. O ponto central é retomar a discussão sobre teorias que retiram do ser a capacidade de agir, reduzindo-os ao homogêneo, e fazer a crítica às teorias contemporâneas sobre as mulheres. A partir da pesquisa, foi possível levantar diversas pensadoras que, iluminadas pela teoria de Arendt, pensam horizontes femininos para uma nova política. (shrink)

La filosofía política de Hannah Arendt resulta ser, desde diferentes lecturas elaboradas por sus críticos y seguidores, un estudio social (filosófico) marcado por desventajas y también por aciertos en sus posturas sancionatorias a las restricciones de expresión en los escenarios propios de las polis actuales, donde existe la oportunidad de manifestar una idea, por caprichosa que esta sea, de vida de una ciudad, de ser en el mundo de la actividad política. El siguiente escrito es una lectura más sobre (...) dos de los acontecimientos que marcaron diferencia en su ejercicio teórico, en tanto le valieron como soporte a los eventos históricos que darían paso al periodo moderno: el periodo de las revoluciones de Francia y de Estados Unidos. Siendo precisos, el interés de este documento parte de los levantamientos sociales que dieron vida a estas dos revoluciones que dejaron huella en la historia de Occidente y en quienes dieron su vida a ambos sucesos, sin detallar en uno u otro agente político en particular. Finalmente, se hará mención a los errores en los que incurrió Arendt y que la llevaron a imprecisiones de orden histórico que le impidieron analizar cada uno de estos sucesos desde una perspectiva histórica, y sí desde las ansias teóricas especulativas, como el hecho de observar una revolución bien lograda y otra mal ejecutada. (shrink)

The racist killing of Georg Floyd in the Summer of 2020 created waves of protests not only in the U.S. but all over the globe. In Turkey, my home country, there were also street demonstrations that demanded justice for Floyd, but “Twitter activism” was more popular. Turkish-speaking-twitter became a hotbed for condemnations. Amidst an array of tweets condemning Floyd’s racist killing, one stood out and made it to the headlines of alternative media outlets. A former official of the authoritarian Turkish (...) government, Yusuf Yerkel, wrote the following tweet in Turkish on June 5, 2020, in response to Floyd’s racist killing; here, I provide an English translation of his infamous tweet (the Turkish original of which is still available on Yerkel’s account on Twitter): “The reason that protests grew to this extent in the U.S. seems to be based on a phenomenon, in H. Arendt’s terms, ‘banality of evil,’ which has become evident in the face of Floyd’s murder. An ordinary White cop’s atrocity as an “everyday job” was the tipping point.”. (shrink)

The racist killing of Georg Floyd in the Summer of 2020 created waves of protests not only in the U.S. but all over the globe. In Turkey, my home country, there were also street demonstrations that demanded justice for Floyd, but “Twitter activism” was more popular. Turkish-speaking-twitter became a hotbed for condemnations. Amidst an array of tweets condemning Floyd’s racist killing, one stood out and made it to the headlines of alternative media outlets. A former official of the authoritarian Turkish (...) government, Yusuf Yerkel, wrote the following tweet in Turkish on June 5, 2020, in response to Floyd’s racist killing; here, I provide an English translation of his infamous tweet (the Turkish original of which is still available on Yerkel’s account on Twitter): “The reason that protests grew to this extent in the U.S. seems to be based on a phenomenon, in H. Arendt’s terms, ‘banality of evil,’ which has become evident in the face of Floyd’s murder. An ordinary White cop’s atrocity as an “everyday job” was the tipping point.” Yerkel herein uses Arendt’s notion of the banality of evil (see esp. p. 287 of the book) to describe Derek Chauvin’s atrocious act, where the evil of racist police violence has become ordinary, banal, and “every day.”. (shrink)

Dieser Aufsatz, der sich den Interpretationen u. a. von Robert Bernasconi, Jacques Taminiaux und Franco Volpi anschließt, betrachtet Heideggers „Wiederholung“ der praktischen Philosophie des Aristoteles als eine Radikalisierung des aristotelischen Begriffs des Handelns (praxis). Die moderne „Not des Wohnens“ erweist sich als ein Ergebnis der Unterordnung der Endlichkeit und Zeitlichkeit des menschlichen Handelns in der abendländischen philosophischen Tradition unter die metaphysischen und theologischen Ideale, die aus dem anfänglichen Verständnis der Seiendheit als beständiger Anwesenheit (ousia) hervorgehen. Die Grundform dieser Unterordnung ist (...) die aristotelische Auslegung der reinen praxis als eine „übermenschlich“ selbstgenügsame Betrachtung ohne äußere Zwecke. Die Behandlung der praktischen „Besinnung“ (phronesis) in der Nikomachischen Ethik bietet jedoch eine Einsicht in die endliche und situationsbedingte Verfassung der eigentlich menschlichen Selbstverwirklichung. Die Lektüre der Nikomachischen Ethik in Heideggers Marburger Vorlesung über Platons Sophistes kann als der Ausgangspunkt für die Geschichte des tätigen Lebens in Hannah Arendts Vita activa angesehen werden. Gleichwohl gliedert Arendt die geschichtliche Entwicklung der praxis ausdrücklicher als Heidegger auf und bedenkt auch, was bei Heidegger weitgehend ungedacht bleibt: den politischen Charakter der ursprünglichen praxis und das apolitische Wesen der Philosophie. (shrink)

In her 1971 essay “Lying in Politics,” Hannah Arendt reflects on the publication of top-secret materials contained in a massive study entitled “History of U.S. Decision-Making Process on Vietnam Policy,” a.k.a. the Pentagon Papers. As the title of her essay suggests, Arendt is concerned with the problem of political deception. However, it is not the lies that politicians may or may not tell that form the central theme of her essay. Instead, she focuses on what the Pentagon Papers tell (...) us about the role of ideological thinking and self-deception in the development of U.S. policy bearing on Vietnam. In particular,…. (shrink)

M. Ally: Why Jaspers gives us Hope: Deconstruc ting the Myth of Cultural Impermeability B. Andrzejewski: Über Kant und Schelling hinaus. Zur Frage der existenziellen Theorie der Kommunikation bei Jaspers A. Cesana: Weltphilosophie und philosophischer Glaube J. M. Cho: Cross-Cultural Adaptations in Karl Jaspers J. Fukaya: The Japanese Moral Framework and Jaspers Philosophy K. Fukui: Karl Jaspers Philosophie aus Sicht der Kyoto-Schule J.-C. Gens: Jaspers Begegnung mit und sein Verhältnis zu China S. Hanyu: The Cross-Cultural Thought in Jaspers Philosophy. In (...) comparison with Kantian Thought in Toward Perpetual Peace K. Hara: Konflikte und Kommunikation der Religionen. Zur Möglichkeit des philosophischen Glaubens A. Hirano: Arendt und Jaspers: Der innere Zusammenhang und die Unterschiede zwischen den Gedanken beider S. C. Kim: Der philosophische Glaube angesichts des religiösen Pluralismus L. Lambrecht: Philosophie gegen den Nationalsozialismus: Hannah Arendt und Karl Jaspers E. Lee: Heidegger and Jaspers on the Public Sphere: Jaspers Theory of Communication as an Antidote to Heideggers Dark Public World W. Lee: Philosophischer Glaube und universale Kommunikation bei Karl Jaspers T. Nakajima: Die Idee der Universität inmitten der Popularisierung" T. Nakayama: Jaspers Philosophie und Buddhismus. Das Denken der Leerheit" C. Olay: Öffentlichkeit bei Jaspers und Hannah Arendt S.-K. Paek: Kants Schrift Zum ewigen Frieden im Spiegel dreier Interpretationen: Volker Gerhardt, Jürgen Habermas, Karl Jaspers E. Park: The Possibility of Social Existenz. A Reinterpretation of the Concept of Existenz in Karl Jaspers F. Peach: Jaspers, Existential Communication and Globalisation C. Piecuch: Welteinheit: Rationale Entscheidung oder kosmische Notwendigkeit? I. Ren: Zwei Wege der philosophischen Logik: Jaspers und Heidegger N. Reyhani: Die Anthropologie-Debatte und der Vorwurf des Positivismus gegen Karl Jaspers I. Sarin: Jaspers on Bridging the Intercultural Gap H.-J. Seideneck: Der Zusammenprall von Kulturkreisen im Weltdorf unter dem Blickwinkel des erhebenden Scheiterns bei Karl Jaspers H. Stelzer: Das Aufbrechen fixierter Weltbilder in der interkulturellen Kommunikation E. Struchholz: Karl Jaspers und Jacob Burckhardt: Existenz und Existenzbild A. Takahashi: Zur Wechselbeziehung zwischen der Kommunikation in der Geschichte und derjenigen in unserer Zeit bei Jaspers M. Wirtz: Die Regionen des Geistes. Zur interkulturellen Relevanz einer Weltphilosophiegeschichtsschreibung nach Karl Jaspers M. Wischke: Kommunikative Übergänge und Grenzsituationen. Über Schuld und Gedächtnis bei Jaspers. (shrink)

This article presents the new German law on advance directives from 1 September 2009. The history of the parliamentary process of this law is described, the present regulations are explained, their relevance for medical practice discussed and shortcomings are identified. Finally, the new law is compared with other regulations in the international context. Previously established legal practice in Germany has now become largely confirmed by the new law: An advanced directive must be respected in any decision concerning medical treatment, regardless (...) of the stage of the illness. It can be informally revoked at any time, even with limited decision-making capacity. Nobody may be obliged to issue a directive in any way. Advance directives do not need notarisation or routine updating after certain time intervals. Provided that the patient, who is no longer mentally competent, has issued a lasting power of attorney, or provided that the patient has been appointed a healthcare proxy by the courts, this authorised surrogate must assert the patient's will. The role of the guardianship court is clarified: it only needs to be involved in cases of disagreement as to the patient's will. The new German law thus combines more legal certainty with a liberal emphasis on patient autonomy and flexible, adaptable regulations. (shrink)

This paper puts forward an ontology that is indebted to QBism, Kant, Bohr, Schrödinger, the philosophy of the Upanishads, and the evolutionary philosophy of Sri Aurobindo. Central to it is that reality is relative to consciousness or experience. Instead of a single mind-independent reality, there are different poises of consciousness, including a consciousness to which “we are all really only various aspects of the One”. This ontology helps clear up unresolved issues in the philosophy of science, such as arise from (...) the reification of quantum states or from disregard of the universal context of science, which is human experience. It further helps clear up unresolved issues in the philosophy of mind, in particular the problem of intentionality and the dilemma posed by the mutual inclusion of self and world. (shrink)

Neste artigo, busco elucidar a noção de política segundo Hannah Arendt a partir de um questionamento proveniente da sociologia de Ulrich Beck. Na medida que H. Arendt pensa a política como uma condição dependente da continuidade material assegurada por um mundo artificialmente construído, e U. Beck identifica na modernidade de risco o surgimento de uma série de instabilidades naturais socialmente iniciadas, pergunto em que medida tal transformação do mundo humano afeta a política tal como foi pensada pela autora. A (...) partir disso, reconstruo a leitura de H. Arendt acerca da relação da política com a condição humana, buscando elucidar tanto o sentido ético da política enquanto atividade reguladora de nossa liberdade (como visualizado pela autora), quanto o que significa pensar o ser humano como um animal livre e condicionado ao mesmo tempo. (shrink)

The aim of this review is to show the fruitfulness of using images of facial expressions as experimental stimuli in order to study how neural systems support biologically relevant learning as it relates to social interactions. Here we consider facial expressions as naturally conditioned stimuli which, when presented in experimental paradigms, evoke activation in amygdala–prefrontal neural circuits that serve to decipher the predictive meaning of the expressions. Facial expressions offer a relatively innocuous strategy with which to investigate these normal variations (...) in affective information processing, as well as the promise of elucidating what role the aberrance of such processing might play in emotional disorders. (shrink)

Martin Heidegger zählt zu den wirkmächtigsten Denkern des 20. Jahrhunderts - zugleich ist er einer der umstrittensten, nicht zuletzt aufgrund seiner Parteinahme für den Nationalsozialismus 1933. Basierend auf neuesten Quellen erzählt Lorenz Jäger das Leben des Philosophen, der den Menschen und sein Dasein in der Welt auf ganz neue Weise gedacht hat - von der katholischen Kindheit in Messkirch und den geistigen Auseinandersetzungen der zwanziger Jahre über den Nationalsozialismus bis weit in die Jahre des Wiederaufbaus hinein. Dabei begegnen uns Lehrer (...) wie Edmund Husserl, dem 1936 die Lehrerlaubnis entzogen wurde, Vertraute wie Karl Jaspers und Hannah Arendt, deren so schwieriges wie intensives Verhältnis zu Heidegger über historische Brüche hinweg anhielt, Intellektuelle und Dichter wie Ernst Jünger und Paul Celan, die ihn in seiner Schwarzwaldhütte besuchten, bis hin zu späten Interpreten wie Lacan und Derrida. Warum Heidegger jede Generation aufs Neue fasziniert und polarisiert, sein Denken auch heute nichts an Bedeutung eingebüsst hat: Auch das zeigt Lorenz Jäger in dieser Biographie, die meisterhaft das Leben Heideggers erzählt - und zugleich ein deutsches Jahrhundert"--Publisher's website. (shrink)